Welcome to Notions of Progress!
Sept. 20, 2026

A Marxist in the City of London: Michael Roberts on The Long Depression

In this first of a three-part conversation, Marxist economist Michael Roberts joins Notions of Progress to lay out the central argument of his 2016 book The Long Depression: that the 2008 financial crash was not an ordinary recession, but the opening of a longer structural depression driven by capitalism’s own tendency toward falling profitability. Before getting there, Roberts traces his own path — from a Marxist conversion as a student to a three-decade career as an economist inside the City of London, a combination he treats as complementary rather than contradictory. He then lays out a materialist conception of history underlying his economics: social change driven by who owns and controls production, not by ideas or political leadership taken on their own. Capitalism, on his account, is real progress — rising productivity, rising living standards — and, at the same time, structurally exploitative and radically unequal. The episode closes on the specific technical definition of a “depression” that Parts Two and Three will test against the historical record: not simply a downturn, but one whose recovery never returns to the prior trend line.

About Our Guest

Michael Roberts worked in the City of London as an economist for over 30 years before retiring. He is the author of several books: The Great Recession: A Marxist View (2009); The Long Depression (2016), the book at the center of this conversation; World in Crisis (joint editor, 2018); Marx 200: His Economics (2018); and Engels 200: His Economics (2020). With Guglielmo Carchedi, he co-authored Capitalism in the 21st Century (2023). His new book, Time Is Running Out: The World Economy in the 2020s and Beyond, is forthcoming in December 2026. He writes regularly at thenextrecession.wordpress.com.

Show Notes & Timestamps

00:00 Cold Open: The Contradictions of Capital

01:03 Welcome & Introduction

03:38 Michael’s Background

08:38 A Marxist in the City of London

11:03 The Nature of Capitalism

16:25 Inequality & Systemic Change

20:35 The Long Depression Thesis

28:31 Next Time: Historical Parallels

Key Concepts & Terms

Materialist Conception of History — Roberts’s term, following Marx, for the view that social and historical change is driven primarily by a society’s economic foundations — who owns and controls production — rather than by political leadership or ideas considered on their own.

Means of Production — The productive assets of an economy — factories, companies, capital — whose ownership Roberts identifies as the key dividing line of capitalist society: control over investment and employment decisions rests with those who own them.

Tendency of the Rate of Profit to Fall — The Marxist thesis, central to Roberts’s economics, that capitalism’s drive to invest and compete generates a long-run downward pressure on profitability — the mechanism Roberts identifies behind the 2008 crash and the depression that followed it.

Long Depression — Roberts’s working definition, distinct from an ordinary recession: a period of low growth and low investment whose recovery never returns the economy to its prior trend line — a category he applies to the 1870s, the 1930s, and, in this episode’s argument, the period after 2008.

Fascinating Historical Insights

A Marxist Inside the City of London — Roberts describes becoming a Marxist as a university student in the late 1960s and early ’70s, after encountering the materialist conception of history in economic-history books whose authors, he later discovered, were Marxists — and then spending the next three decades working as an economist for major financial institutions and banks, a combination he frames as a productive vantage point rather than a contradiction.

A Depression Capitalism Could Not Exit on Its Own — Roberts recounts the Great Depression of 1929–41/42 as roughly thirteen years in which employment, production, and investment collapsed and stayed collapsed — government stimulus and profitability measures included — until wartime state control of investment, financed partly through war bonds, finally broke the depression.

Progress and Exploitation as a Single Argument — Roberts presents Marx’s assessment of capitalism as genuinely two-sided: it raised productivity and living standards far beyond feudal society, and it was, at the same time, built on the exclusion of most people from any control over the investment decisions shaping their lives.

A Very Small Number of Decision-Makers — Roberts points to a concentration of ownership — by his account, roughly 0.01% of the U.S. population controlling the largest companies and assets — and extends the point explicitly to today’s dominant AI, technology, banking, and energy firms.

Resources & Further Reading

Primary Sources

  • Michael Roberts, The Long Depression (2016) — the book at the center of this conversation.

Works Discussed

  • Michael Roberts, The Great Recession: A Marxist View (2009)
  • Michael Roberts and Guglielmo Carchedi (eds.), World in Crisis (2018)
  • Michael Roberts, Marx 200: His Economics (2018)
  • Michael Roberts, Engels 200: His Economics (2020)
  • Michael Roberts and Guglielmo Carchedi, Capitalism in the 21st Century (2023)
  • Michael Roberts, Time Is Running Out: The World Economy in the 2020s and Beyond (forthcoming, December 2026)

Marx’s own writings on the materialist conception of history and the tendency of the rate of profit to fall underlie this conversation throughout; Roberts characterizes them in his own words rather than through a specific cited edition, and no specific Marx title or page is cited in this episode.

Coming Up Next

Part Two goes back to where this pattern begins: the depression of the 1870s, traced forward through the Great Depression of the 1930s, and the rival explanations economists on the left and right have offered for both. Part Two lands in two weeks.

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Website — notionsofprogress.com

Email: marshall@notionsofprogress.com

About the Show

Notions of Progress is a podcast tracing ideas of progress from antiquity to the age of artificial intelligence. Hosted by Marshall Madow — an independent researcher whose MA in History (Cambridge) examined Georges Sorel’s epistemology of myth, and whose MSc (Oxford, Saïd Business School) focused on Complexity Science and Leadership — the show surfaces the debates rather than settling them, tracing how thinkers from Hesiod to Hayek, Plato to Peter Haff, have understood what it means for humanity to move forward, at what cost, and for whom.

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Speaker 4: It's both, isn't it?

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It, it's, uh … There's a certain
contradiction, uh, psychologically with

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when you're dealing with people that
are only interested in making money and

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exploiting others and advising them.

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And on the other hand, you actually
see how capitalism works, particularly

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finance capital, in the, uh, the
belly of the financial beast.

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Uh, I g- I got a very good idea, but
it's a conflict, a caste conflict between

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workers' wages and capitalist profits.

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That's the system.

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Why do we have … That's
why we have un- inequality.

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That's why we still have poverty around
the world, because that system creates

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those grotesques levels of inequality.

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Capitalism is a system
of booms and slumps.

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It's terrible for ordinary working people
because they- they're doing well for

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a while and then suddenly everything
goes crashing and they have to recover.

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Perhaps they won't recover.

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Speaker 3: Hi, welcome to Notions of
Progress, the show that traces ideas of

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progress from antiquity to the age of AI.

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This is the first of a three-part
conversation with the Marxist economist

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Michael Roberts, built around his
2016 book, The Long Depression.

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In this part, Roberts lays out his central
argument, which is that the 2008 crash

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wasn't an ordinary recession at all,
but the opening of a longer structural

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depression driven by capitalism's own
tendency towards falling profitability.

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Part two walks through the historical
record that the argument rests upon, the

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depressions of the 1870s and the 1930s,
and the rival explanations for both.

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And we conclude with part three, which
brings the argument into the present,

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what a falling rate of profit means
for a generation earning less than the

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one before it, and what role artificial
intelligence might play in the range of

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futures that Michael Roberts sees ahead.

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From another capitalist recovery to what
he calls borrowing the term from the

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fall of Rome, the risk of barbarism,

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Speaker: today we have
a very special guest.

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We have Michael Roberts.

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Michael worked in the City of
London as an economist for over

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thirty years before retiring.

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Uh, he's the author of several books, The
Great Recession: A Marxist View, 2009; The

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Long Depression from 2016; The World in
Crisis, joint editor in 2018; Marx 200:

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His Economics, 2018; uh, Engels 200: His
Economics, 2020; and jointly with, uh, C.

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Karshidi, uh, Capitalism
in the 21st Century, 2023.

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His new book is Time Is Running
Out: The World Economy in the

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2020s, and that's gonna be coming
in December of 2026, we hope.

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Um, Michael has a regular blog at
thenextrecession.wordpress.com.

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I'll put everything into the show notes
Today, we're gonna primarily focus on The

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Long Depression, a book written in 2018 in
which Michael argues that the 2008 crash,

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it was not an ordinary recession, but
the opening of a longer depression, and

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we're gonna go through those contours and
try to understand better what he means.

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Um, this, this, this particular
period is comparable, he argues in

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the book, to the 1870s and the 1930s,
and it's driven by capitalism's own

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tendency towards falling profitability.

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So that's a brief, brief,
uh, introduction, Michael.

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And like I said, it's an absolute
pleasure to meet you, and I'm looking

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forward to chatting with you today.

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Speaker 2: Well, Marshall, that
was a very comprehensive coverage.

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I mean, you've, you've
done the job already.

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Speaker: It, it's you, my friend, that's
doing the comprehensive work here.

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So anyway, I, uh, as, as I mentioned
to you offline, I thought… I

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found your book to be very, uh,
thought-provoking and very helpful.

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And, you know, just to kind of
set the table, Michael, a little

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bit, you know, the, the purpose of
this particular program, this, my

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podcast in general, is to understand
the drivers of human progress.

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Mm-hmm.

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And actually not always human, the
drivers of progress in general.

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So your book, I thought, was particularly
helpful in trying to understand capitalism

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as a force for pro- for progress or not.

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Speaker 2: Mm-hmm.

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Speaker: I think it's an open question,
and I wanna just kind of dive in, and

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we can explore that, that very question,
uh, as we go through the interview.

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Mm-hmm.

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So Michael, why don't we just start off
with a little bit and just, just tell

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me a little bit more about your, about
your background at the city as well

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as kind of like your… what brought
you to the work that you're doing now.

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Speaker 2: Well, uh, everybody
should know that I come from the UK.

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I was born into a, a fairly
standard middle class family.

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Uh, all of them were… my
relatives were all doctors.

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Um, generally on the conservative
side of the political spectrum, uh,

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except my father, who was a bit of
a, what do you call it, a black sheep

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of the, the family, and was a bit
of a rebel against the rest of them.

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Um, and so I suppose, and my mother
similarly was a bit of a bohemian

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character, so that's probably
changed the, the, the way I'm

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thinking, 'cause I was brought up
in an absolutely middle class area.

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You might call it the stop rotor
belt of South, Southern London.

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Um, so you wouldn't expect, uh, to- me to
develop the views that I developed over

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the last, uh- period since I was an adult.

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Um, so that was, I suppose, I started
to have an intellectual conversion

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from basically what everybody
thinks about society at the moment.

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It's sort of okay.

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Uh, nothing particularly going
to bother middle-class people.

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To change my views gradually over a period
of time, partly intellectually, I think.

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I, at, at, uh, school, uh, at high
school as you would say, I studied,

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uh, economic history and so on, and
I was absolutely struck by, um, the

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understanding of how economies progress,
how history changes, particularly

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from, uh, books by economic historians
who I later found out were Marxists.

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They presented what, uh, Marx calls
the materialist conception of history.

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So they say that progress for
human beings doesn't pl- take place

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between, necessarily between kings
fighting kings or a change of leaders

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or some political ideas alone.

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What's driving it is what's going on with
the economic foundations of a society,

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uh, how it's, uh, it's progressing, what
form it takes, what forms of inequality

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and exploitation take place in that
process which produces both progress

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and the contradictory situation of,
uh, misery for some and ma- maybe all.

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Um, so that led to me to start
to become a Marxist, by the time

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I got to, uh, university I had
considered myself a Marxist.

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Uh, yeah.

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And perhaps I'm gonna say quickly now,
Marshall, that- Please … yeah, uh,

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that, um, here is a, a young Marxist adult
at university doing a bit of activism,

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as you can imagine back in the…

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These are the days of the
late '60s and early '70s.

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Um, but- I eventually ended up working
for big financial institutions and banks.

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How is this possible, you guys might
think, uh, if you're a Marxist?

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Well, there's a certain schizophrenic,
uh, situation here that, uh, i- in

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order to make a living, I didn't
go into academia, which a lot

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of people do in that situation.

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I went into the private sector and
into particularly to the financial

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sector, and ended up doing advisory
work in economics for big institutions.

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Not personal finance for people
like you and me, but the big

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companies, the hedge funds and so on.

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Uh, advising them whether they should
buy the dollar, sell the dollar,

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um, get out of the Japanese yen.

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How can we make money?

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That's the sort of thing.

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So, so the daytime, in the
daytime, I was doing that.

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Outside of work, I was considering
my understanding of what the, the

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society is like as a whole from a
more socialist Marxist point of view.

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And I was able to, eventually when I
retired, to concentrate entirely on

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developing my ideas of, uh, the economy
in r- relative to the concepts and

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theories of Marxism Which as you've
mentioned in the beginning, culminated

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in particular in the book that I wrote
in 2016 called The Long Depression.

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So that's my personal journey, as
it were, at least in intellectual

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terms, uh, to see to where we are now.

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Speaker: Well, Michael, before we start
d- diving into the book, which is gonna

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be the main part of our study today, I
mean, just to, just to follow up on one

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of the, one of your previous statements
there, is it such a conflict in terms

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of understanding Marx, understanding
capitalism from the inside as a Marxist?

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I mean, is that, is that a, you know
… Being in the machine, if you will- Yeah

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… and understanding how things work?

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It seems like there's, on its face,
it might be a conflict, but in

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other ways it seems like it's fairly
consistent- Right … with just

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understanding how capitalism works.

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Speaker 2: I think you're
absolutely right, Marshall.

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It's both, isn't it?

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It, it's a, there's a certain
contradiction, uh, psychologically with,

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when you're dealing with people that
are only interested in making money and

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exploiting others and advising them.

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And on the other hand, you
actually see how capitalism works,

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particularly finance capital.

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In the, uh, the belly of the financial
beast, uh, I g- I got a very good idea.

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Uh, there'd be a better understanding
of the trends and processes going

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on in, uh, capitalism, particularly
modern capitalism in the late 20th

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century and the early 21st century.

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I think that may have been an advantage
over somebody who perhaps went into become

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a professor of economics, even if they're
on the left, i- in a university, because

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they're not connected so easily to those
in day-to-day events that take place.

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So I think if, uh, your viewers
actually see or, uh, my blog and

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read my blog, they will see that I'm
looking at what's going on right now.

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Uh, how do we analyze that?

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What do we make of that?

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Not some great long screed of Marxist
theory, uh, locked away with quotations.

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I'm trying to deal with things
that affect us now, uh, ordinary

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people, and how we can understand
the, the economic processes.

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And I think working in the finance
sector for all that time certainly

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helped, gave me an advantage.

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Speaker: Fantastic.

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A- and like I said, I, I, I very
much want to, as we go through this,

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and you can dictate to me what,
when you think it makes sense to

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talk in a theoretical perspective
versus actually talking about…

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Because I, what I would like to, to
do today, Michael, if possible, is to

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understand the main thesis of your book,
and then look at the other periods that

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you're connecting to and understand
the differences and where things align.

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But understand Marxism as a theoretical
framework to ex- as an explanatory

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model to understand, A, your main
thesis, and then to start to kind

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of work through and, and, and take
our time and work through those

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historical precedents that you raise.

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Hmm.

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Um, does that make, does
that make sense, Michael?

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Speaker 2: Absolutely fine, yes.

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It's, uh, yeah.

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Speaker: Brilliant.

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Um, so why don't we start with
the, with the, the main point.

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What, what is the basic thesis
that you're arguing in this book

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regarding the Long Depression?

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Speaker 2: Okay, well, let's start with
the basic ideas of Marxist economics as

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opposed to what you generally get when
you read in the newspapers and so on

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about what's going on in the economy.

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I think there are two things that
Marx offered to explain, uh, how-

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Uh, human society has developed
particularly in what he called

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the capitalist mode of production.

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And what is the capitalist
mode of production?

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His fundamental point was, yes,
we, we choose things because we

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need them, and we, we have to,
uh, use them as best we can.

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But most things we produce,
we don't use ourselves.

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We actually exchange them.

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Uh, whether in a company, we
might produce a, a machine, but

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we don't use that machine at home.

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Uh, what that… the company gets
that machine, if it's made by you,

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and it s- it sells it in the market,
so there's an exchange taking place.

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It gets money for that, it pays you your
wages, and then you go out to the shops or

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you pay your electricity bill accordingly.

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So what we have is a development of
capitalist economy where things people

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need become only achieved through
the process of exchange and through

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selling goods and services on the
market for money, and that's, that's…

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That process leads to a very important
conclusion that Marx reached, was that

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actually it's an exploitive process.

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It's, it's the owners of
the means of production.

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Uh, I don't own the means of production.

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I don't own huge companies.

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I don't own the, the assets
that they've got in them.

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I don't employ other workers.

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But these owners of the means of
production are in control really of

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not only our wages and our work, but
everything really in terms of the

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investment in the economy, in terms
of where they're going to employ

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people, whether they're going to move
to Latin America or they're gonna

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build a factory in Pennsylvania.

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They make those decisions, uh, and
bec- and they make those decisions

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if they think it's profitable.

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That's the really big point that
we, that Marx wants to make.

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This society, money makes money, but it,
it runs on the basis of increasing profit

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for the owners of the means of production.

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And who are the owners of
the means of production?

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They're a very, very tiny,
small number of people.

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Uh, yes, there's lots of small
businesses, so there's, you know, tens

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of thousands, maybe even hundreds of
thousands in the US who ha- own their

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own businesses and perhaps work for
themselves or employ a few people.

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But the vast control of the biggest assets
are in the hand of a very tiny number of

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people, a very tiny number of companies.

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We only have to read it every day
now about the AI companies, the tech

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companies, these big mogul companies
which dominate, uh, the economy, as well

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as the banks and the energy companies.

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And these are, the owners
of these are 0.01% of the

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population of the United States.

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They're a very tiny, small group
who are making all the decisions.

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So that's the fundamental argument
that Marx would make about

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the nature of our capitalist
economy It's has some advantages.

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It boosts, uh, uh, productivity
perhaps if capitalists go out and

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invest, uh, in order to make profit.

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There's a increase in productivity,
much better than it was in, say, feudal

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societies where people just worked
on the land and they didn't develop,

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uh, new technologies and so on.

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Capitalism took that forward.

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Uh, for those who don't know,
Marx was very, uh, keen to, uh,

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argue that capitalism did take
human, uh, humanity forward.

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It was a progressive thing to begin
with in transforming the situation, the

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productivity and living standards of lots
of people to enable us, more people to,

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to live and more people to live better.

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But it was also shockingly unequal,
shockingly unfair to the vast

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majority of, of people and they
were not in control of their lives.

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Only the, uh, means of production
owners were in control.

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And if they make a decision that would
be the, that things aren't going well

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for them, the profitability isn't
going well, then what do they do?

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They lay off their employees,
they close down their businesses,

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and, uh, you're out of work.

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You don't have any control over that.

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And that's the point that he
wants to make about the nature

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of the capitalist economy.

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Human progress through
capitalism has been immense.

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We've improved, uh, life expectancy.

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We've improved living
standards for sizable sections

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of the world's population.

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But it's also been hugely unequal,
and we still have billions

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of people in the world, eight
billion people in the world now.

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The latest figures on any reasonable
estimate would say that about at least

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four and a half to five billion of
those are basically at a poverty level.

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Uh, they're not in a position to have
any, uh, improvement in their living

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standards, which we in the, uh, US
and Europe and so on would regard

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as a reasonable standard of living.

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And of course, even within the US and
Europe and the other big countries of

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the northern hemisphere, there are still
a significant section of people who

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are on the poverty line And struggling
to get, and relying on welfare and

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not on the possibility of having
a decent job with a decent career.

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So things have progressed, but they've
also progressed in a completely

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distorted and, uh, exploitive way.

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Speaker: Very good.

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And, you know, again, as we go through
this, we, you know, the, you, you use some

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terms in the book and it's, you, you point
at some specific, uh, historical periods.

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Even at the end, you, you
talk a little bit about Rome.

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So the concept of- Yeah … progress
versus regress comes in very handy,

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uh, as a, as a, as a framework.

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But I also as- I'd like to go forward
and kind of talk about the, the

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specifics about this long depression.

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Like, I wanna understand… Because
one of the things that I wanna, I wanna

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get from you, Michael, if possible, is
to understand whether or not it's the

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way that capitalism as you, as you put
it, the way it operates or the way…

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Or is it baked into the cake that
this is an exploitative, uh, function?

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You, you know, in other words, if
the, uh… 'Cause you talk about

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these measures, and again, we'll,
we'll go through them 'cause

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they're really, really helpful.

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Um, is it just the fact that the
people aren't compensated fairly,

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or the fact that just baked into
this system, eventually it, it

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doesn't, it's almost irrelevant by…

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It's like auto, auto-fill.

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It's going to f- it's going to run its
course regardless of whether people,

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you know, engage in these, in these a-
abuses and, uh, uh, of, of capitalism

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Speaker 2: Well, think about
it this way, Marshall, um, that

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everybody would like more equality.

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We'd like to get rid of poverty.

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We'd like to get a situation where
people are more equal, uh, uh, y-

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in terms of their income, their
opportunities in life and so on.

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Everybody's a bit different, so they
would be doing something differently.

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But, uh, we have grotesque levels
of inequality at the moment.

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Now, the question I often get when I
talk to some people who say, "Yes, we

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need to change this situation, so what
sh- what we need to do is tax the very

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rich, or we've got to increase the
wages of people, uh, who are down the

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bottom, or we've got to f- uh, get the
government to come in and sort out the

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monopolies and, uh, abuses and so on."

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Nothing particularly wrong with that,
but I always ask the question, well,

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00:18:14,151 --> 00:18:17,721
how did we get into this position where
it was so unequal in the first place?

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00:18:18,031 --> 00:18:22,901
What you're really doing is saying,
how can we get the plaster out and fix

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the running sore which exists on the
body of, of humanity under capitalism?

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Rather than saying, "What's wrong?
Why have we got this sore? Why

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can't we transform the picture to a
society of progress where everybody

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has control over their lives through
common ownership?" That's what we

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would say as Marxist or socialists.

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Common ownership of the means of
production with democratic control of

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that so that the resources that we produce
and the production that we make will

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be used in the interest of the whole of
the population, democratically decided.

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Maybe they'll make mistakes,
but, uh, it will be up to

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them to decide what happened.

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At the moment, basically everything
is decided by this tiny, tiny minority

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and the political, uh, leaders who
s- who support them i- in doing so.

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So, uh, what we have there is
the fundamental point about human

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progress and how we have to recognize
that it's not just a question of

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trying to change equality to the
better through measures of taxation.

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I'm not opposed to taxing the
rich if it would help, but this is

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the point that comes out of that,
Marshall, and it's correct in a way.

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The capitalists are correct.

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If you tax us If you take our profits
away and tax us too much, then

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we'll just close our factory down.

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We'll lay off our workers because
you, we can't make a profit anymore.

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Uh, uh, so what, what do
you do in that situation?

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Well, it, it clearly means… I would
say that what that means is we, we

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don't want a system where you decide
the control of the means of production,

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whether you're making a profit or not.

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We want a system where everybody
can decide based on common

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ownership and democratic control.

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So just taxation or wage incre-
you know, increased wages.

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You hear it every day.

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Wages are rising too fast.

337
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Why?

338
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Because they're reducing the
profitability for the capitalists.

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Of course, right at the moment,
it's the opposite situation where

340
00:20:14,487 --> 00:20:18,027
profitability, profits are rising
sharply in the US and other countries.

341
00:20:18,027 --> 00:20:21,767
But it's a conflict, a class
conflict between workers'

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wages and capitalist profits.

343
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That's the system.

344
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Why do we have… That's
why we have un- inequality.

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That's why we still have poverty around
the world, because that system creates

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those grotesque levels of inequality.

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00:20:35,267 --> 00:20:38,147
Speaker: Yeah, and, and you, uh… And
I wanna get, actually, I wanna kinda,

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like, dig into the central thesis of
your book regarding this particular

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depression or recession that we're in.

350
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Yeah.

351
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So I wanna understand, in these contexts,
what depression and recession, what

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00:20:47,517 --> 00:20:52,347
the differences are, what this actually
means, and why is this depression long

353
00:20:52,537 --> 00:20:56,727
and different than… But not necessarily
different than the two periods that you

354
00:20:56,737 --> 00:21:00,237
have raised as, as, as great examples of
this, 'cause I think this is a really…

355
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And as you just, as you go through
Marxist, you, some of the Marxist

356
00:21:03,707 --> 00:21:07,247
theory, it helps as a framework
to understand your perspective as

357
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to why things are, are different.

358
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And I, and I would like to talk about
some of those contradictions as we go on.

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But now I think I'd like to… If
Michael, if it's okay, I'd like to give

360
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you the opportunity to talk about the
thesis itself, specifically about what

361
00:21:19,567 --> 00:21:23,997
the c- this, this current, what we're
gonna call this, the long depression.

362
00:21:24,347 --> 00:21:28,007
Uh, just talk about it from the, its
beginning, and just tell me what makes

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this different than something, if it
does, than what existed in the past.

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Speaker 2: Well, the, the fundamental
point to make about capitalism,

365
00:21:35,517 --> 00:21:40,687
apart from its inequalities, is
it doesn't progress humanity in

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a harmonious and steady manner.

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It is volatile.

368
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We have periods of big boom,
and then we have severe slumps.

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If you look just at the United States,
the history of the United States since,

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00:21:52,977 --> 00:21:58,457
um, the Constitution was introduced or
the War of Independence, you can see

371
00:21:59,017 --> 00:22:04,227
successively periods of economic slump
where production goes down, investment

372
00:22:04,227 --> 00:22:06,147
goes down, employment goes down.

373
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Then there's a recovery for, say, another
10 years, and then you have another slump.

374
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Capitalism is a system
of booms and slumps.

375
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It's terrible for ordinary working people
because they- they're doing well for

376
00:22:16,517 --> 00:22:19,797
a while, and then suddenly everything
goes crashing and they have to recover.

377
00:22:19,817 --> 00:22:20,727
Perhaps they won't recover.

378
00:22:21,147 --> 00:22:25,407
Uh, it … So the capitalism
goes in a very unequal but

379
00:22:25,407 --> 00:22:27,847
also i- in unharmonious way.

380
00:22:27,897 --> 00:22:30,307
It doesn't progress steadily forward.

381
00:22:30,617 --> 00:22:34,137
So we can talk about booms and
slumps or booms and recessions.

382
00:22:34,157 --> 00:22:38,387
Ec- economists like to use the recession,
it sounds a little nicer than slumps.

383
00:22:38,607 --> 00:22:42,127
Uh, uh, so that hap-
happen on a regular basis.

384
00:22:42,157 --> 00:22:46,767
Now, what I, uh, I'll, I'll say in a
minute why that it happens, but let me

385
00:22:46,767 --> 00:22:52,469
just say I studied the period of the
United States and the major economies in

386
00:22:52,469 --> 00:22:56,209
this book from about the 1800s onwards.

387
00:22:56,209 --> 00:23:00,009
And I noticed that there were periods,
not just when there were booms and

388
00:23:00,009 --> 00:23:03,109
slumps every eight or 10 years, which
is approximately what happens, but

389
00:23:03,139 --> 00:23:07,679
there were periods when the slumps
didn't end, that the recession- Mm

390
00:23:07,689 --> 00:23:09,769
continued for a very long time.

391
00:23:10,169 --> 00:23:15,139
Uh, and it's noted in historians' books
and was noted in contemporary, uh,

392
00:23:15,139 --> 00:23:20,239
times in, in the US, for example, that
after a very big slump in 1873, which

393
00:23:20,239 --> 00:23:24,779
was bound around the railway mania
collapsing and so on, then the economy

394
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of the United States slowed down.

395
00:23:26,719 --> 00:23:30,769
It didn't go back to the same level
of growth that it had before the 1873.

396
00:23:31,189 --> 00:23:34,249
It didn't go back to the same
level of employment or investment.

397
00:23:34,259 --> 00:23:38,709
So for the period, for approximately
nearly 25 years, we … There was

398
00:23:38,779 --> 00:23:43,209
ups and downs in that period, but not
until the middle of the 1890s could

399
00:23:43,209 --> 00:23:47,679
we say that this, uh, period of low
growth, low investment, which I call a

400
00:23:47,679 --> 00:23:50,369
depressionary period, uh, came to an end.

401
00:23:50,689 --> 00:23:55,899
And it was re- in most, uh, uh, historians
at the time called it the, uh, uh,

402
00:23:55,919 --> 00:23:58,999
depression, the, the, or the long
depression actually, i- because it was

403
00:23:58,999 --> 00:24:00,629
the first one that they really noticed.

404
00:24:01,109 --> 00:24:03,609
Of course, the other one, which
we probably all do know in our

405
00:24:03,629 --> 00:24:06,209
history books or learned at
school, was the Great Depression-

406
00:24:06,519 --> 00:24:06,759
Speaker: Mm

407
00:24:06,809 --> 00:24:11,709
Speaker 2: in the period from 1929
to the beginning of the war, 1941,

408
00:24:11,719 --> 00:24:13,519
'42, and we had the World War.

409
00:24:13,519 --> 00:24:17,989
So we had a period there of 13 years,
a bit shorter, but it was very severe.

410
00:24:18,369 --> 00:24:23,959
Huge drop in, uh, employment, in,
in production and investment, which

411
00:24:23,959 --> 00:24:25,609
was almost impossible to get out of.

412
00:24:25,809 --> 00:24:26,439
That's the point.

413
00:24:26,769 --> 00:24:29,319
Capitalism didn't seem to be able
to get out of this depression.

414
00:24:29,319 --> 00:24:33,329
It was … It, despite whatever it
did, whether it got the government to

415
00:24:33,389 --> 00:24:37,599
intervene, or whether it, uh, tried to
improve the level of profitability of

416
00:24:37,619 --> 00:24:41,529
those companies that survived, it stayed
in this depressed state right through

417
00:24:41,529 --> 00:24:43,529
t- till the Second World War started.

418
00:24:43,769 --> 00:24:48,609
I would argue, and I argue in the book,
that war made it possible for the US

419
00:24:48,609 --> 00:24:52,209
economy and other economies to come
out of this slump, this depression.

420
00:24:52,559 --> 00:24:56,159
Uh, because then the government intervened
to spend huge amounts of money on

421
00:24:56,189 --> 00:25:00,179
armaments and armaments manufacturers
and, and generally the government took

422
00:25:00,179 --> 00:25:03,859
over control of the investment during the
war, and that transformed the picture.

423
00:25:03,859 --> 00:25:08,199
They also extracted as much money they
could, could out of workers for bonds and

424
00:25:08,199 --> 00:25:10,319
so on, in order to finance the recovery.

425
00:25:10,679 --> 00:25:13,719
And that recovery enabled
that depression to end.

426
00:25:14,259 --> 00:25:20,203
Now, I found that- In the, if you
remember in 2008-'09, those of us who

427
00:25:20,203 --> 00:25:24,633
were s- who were around then, that
we had this absolutely huge global

428
00:25:24,633 --> 00:25:28,983
financial crash in the United States,
and it spread to the rest of the world.

429
00:25:29,533 --> 00:25:33,123
Uh, mortgage companies
collapsed, banks collapsed.

430
00:25:33,353 --> 00:25:36,813
It looks as though the financial sector
was going to disappear down a hole.

431
00:25:36,813 --> 00:25:37,873
It was going to melt away.

432
00:25:38,283 --> 00:25:39,753
And they had to try and save that.

433
00:25:40,053 --> 00:25:44,463
But as a result of this financial
collapse, we then, the United

434
00:25:44,463 --> 00:25:48,333
States and other countries,
entered a very severe slump.

435
00:25:48,723 --> 00:25:53,203
We call it the Great Recession, um,
when production for all the major

436
00:25:53,203 --> 00:25:57,743
economies didn't just drop a couple of
percentage points of output, they went

437
00:25:57,743 --> 00:26:03,053
down 4% or 5% or even more and, and
stayed down there for 18 months or more.

438
00:26:03,563 --> 00:26:08,463
And when they… that slump reached
the bottom and started to come out, it

439
00:26:08,483 --> 00:26:10,303
didn't come back at the same rate again.

440
00:26:10,343 --> 00:26:12,353
It was just like the
other two depressions.

441
00:26:12,603 --> 00:26:16,963
It stayed well below the previous
trend growth, uh, whether it was

442
00:26:16,963 --> 00:26:18,963
employment, investment or production.

443
00:26:19,373 --> 00:26:22,543
Uh, these are the key economic
measures that we can put.

444
00:26:22,543 --> 00:26:24,163
Mm. And it stayed well below.

445
00:26:24,183 --> 00:26:26,303
The trend, if you like, was well below.

446
00:26:26,323 --> 00:26:31,403
And this trend, this lower trend cont-
continued and continued right through,

447
00:26:31,763 --> 00:26:34,473
uh, to the end of the 2010s up to 2019.

448
00:26:34,853 --> 00:26:38,303
And then, of course, we've
just had in 2020 what we call

449
00:26:38,303 --> 00:26:40,113
the COVID pandemic slump.

450
00:26:40,223 --> 00:26:45,313
Another huge slump, shorter in
time, but even deeper actually than

451
00:26:45,403 --> 00:26:47,773
the Great Recession of 2008-'09.

452
00:26:47,773 --> 00:26:54,863
But so this period from 2008-'09
onwards to where we are now, uh, maybe

453
00:26:54,863 --> 00:26:58,643
this is going to change soon, we've
had another period of 15 years or

454
00:26:58,643 --> 00:27:01,473
more, uh, of what I call a depression.

455
00:27:01,603 --> 00:27:06,673
I called it a long depression, uh, to, to
trying to characterize the similarities

456
00:27:06,673 --> 00:27:08,373
with the two other depressions.

457
00:27:08,723 --> 00:27:12,493
And why do we get these depressions then
and not just have another booming slump?

458
00:27:12,833 --> 00:27:17,343
Well, in the book, I tried to analyze
other factors which bring about these

459
00:27:17,343 --> 00:27:19,423
slumps remaining in a depressed state.

460
00:27:19,523 --> 00:27:24,643
Uh, there's a question of, uh, just a
general fall in prices of commodities,

461
00:27:24,923 --> 00:27:28,983
uh, the ability to circulate commodities
in an effective way for capitalism.

462
00:27:29,393 --> 00:27:32,553
There's, uh… trade declines sharply.

463
00:27:32,913 --> 00:27:37,333
So international trade growth
dropped away sharply from 2018,

464
00:27:37,613 --> 00:27:41,133
20,000- 2008 up until now.

465
00:27:41,343 --> 00:27:45,873
Whereas world trade used to bomb
along back in the 1990s and 2000s,

466
00:27:46,113 --> 00:27:50,103
since then it's been growing slower
even than, uh, domestic production.

467
00:27:50,103 --> 00:27:54,363
So capitalists can't make any money
out of trade, out of exports really.

468
00:27:54,363 --> 00:27:55,083
So-

469
00:27:55,083 --> 00:27:57,193
Speaker: So Michael, let me, let me
stop you just for one second, my friend.

470
00:27:57,203 --> 00:27:57,223
Yeah.

471
00:27:57,513 --> 00:28:01,123
So just so I can understand
kind of like the quasi technical

472
00:28:01,123 --> 00:28:02,133
definition of this, right?

473
00:28:02,353 --> 00:28:04,983
What make… If I, if I'm understanding
what you're saying, what makes these

474
00:28:05,183 --> 00:28:10,749
quote unquote, these slumps and
recovery- are a depression is that

475
00:28:10,749 --> 00:28:13,639
when they actually recover, they don't
come- they don't reach the level of the

476
00:28:13,639 --> 00:28:17,209
previous, where it was before there was,
before these cycles started hitting.

477
00:28:17,209 --> 00:28:17,599
Is that a,

478
00:28:17,819 --> 00:28:18,389
Speaker 2: is that a fair statement?

479
00:28:18,389 --> 00:28:18,729
That's right.

480
00:28:18,759 --> 00:28:19,259
That's right.

481
00:28:19,259 --> 00:28:20,819
Yes, and that's exactly the point.

482
00:28:20,819 --> 00:28:24,099
This is what I've, I have
identified in, in this process.

483
00:28:24,099 --> 00:28:29,659
By the way, of course, not all
Marxist economists, let alone ordinary

484
00:28:29,659 --> 00:28:31,189
mainstream economists, agree with this

485
00:28:33,660 --> 00:28:36,270
Speaker 3: That's part one of our
conversation with Michael Roberts.

486
00:28:36,770 --> 00:28:41,230
In part two, we go back to where this
pattern begins, the depression of the

487
00:28:41,230 --> 00:28:45,510
1870s, and trace it forward through the
Great Depression of the 1930s, along

488
00:28:45,750 --> 00:28:49,120
with the arguments economists on the
left and the right have made about why

489
00:28:49,150 --> 00:28:51,090
capitalism falls into these slumps.

490
00:28:51,710 --> 00:28:53,450
Part two lands in two weeks.

491
00:28:53,570 --> 00:28:55,030
Looking forward to seeing you then